A Critical Examination of the Amyraldian View of the
Atonement
Martyn J. McGeown
I. INTRODUCTION
II. HISTORICAL
SKETCH
III. THE
CREEDS
IV. ANALYSIS
OF AMYRAUT’S ERRORS
V. THE
LEGACY OF AMYRALDIANISM
I.
INTRODUCTION
The cross of
Christ stands at the centre of the Reformed faith. With Paul, the
Christian says, "God forbid that I should glory, save in the cross
of our Lord Jesus Christ" (Gal. 6:14). The confession of the
Reformed faith concerning the cross is simple: the cross saves! The
cross saves because on the cross a full, effectual atonement was made
which covered the sins of all those for whom Christ died. Jesus Christ
paid the penalty and took upon Himself the guilt of all the sins of all
the elect. Christ’s death was a substitutionary satisfaction which
reconciled the elect sinner to God, and effectually redeemed him from
the bondage of sin. In the Bible the cross is presented as having
actually accomplished everlasting salvation for God’s people. In this
way the gospel is very simple. Christ died to save all those who were
given Him by the Father, all those who are His sheep, all the members of
His body, the church.
In the
history of the church, men have arisen who have sought to corrupt the
Gospel and lead the people of God away from "the simplicity that is
in Christ" (II Cor. 11:3). With reference to the atonement the
Arminians denied that Christ’s death was a real satisfaction of the
justice of God. They insisted that Christ died for all men without
exception, including those who perish. Since, clearly, not all are
saved, the death of Christ cannot be a true satisfaction of God’s
justice, for if Christ satisfied God’s justice and bore the wrath of
God due the sins of all, God cannot be just in damning any. Therefore
the Arminians were forced by the logic of their own position to teach
that Christ died for nobody in particular, but for all in general, and
that by His death made salvation a mere possibility for all on the
condition of faith and perseverance in good works. The Synod of Dordt
(1618-1619) condemned the Arminian view of the atonement as heresy and
insisted that the cross was for the elect only.
II.
HISTORICAL SKETCH
A. A new
heresy in France
The Arminian
heresy had just been refuted by the fathers at Dordt when a new heresy
arose, more subtle than the last. The promoter of this heresy was Moise
Amyraut (1596-1664), a French pastor, theologian and professor at the
Academy of Saumur in France. Amyraldianism, as this heresy has come to
be known, unchecked by discipline, flourished in France and infiltrated
many parts of Europe. A long and bitter controversy in the French
churches resulted in which the orthodox men in the churches sought in
vain to have Amyraldianism condemned by the French synods.1 The leaven of
false doctrine spread. Today the teaching of Amyraut is popular among
many professing Calvinists.2 Followers of Amyraut’s teachings claim
that they are the true successors of John Calvin (1509-1564)
whose doctrine Amyraut himself claimed to be faithfully reflecting.
The poison of
what came to be known as Amyraldianism or hypothetical universalism was
instilled into Amyraut when he himself was a student at the Academy of
Saumur. The teaching really originated with a Scot named John Cameron
(1580-1625). Amyraut was enamored with Cameron’s teachings, and became
a devoted disciple of the Scottish theologian. He came under Cameron’s
spell,3 so much so that he even went as far as to mimic Cameron’s
accent and pulpit mannerisms.4
Cameron
taught that the decree of God "to redeem the world in Christ is
first and universal. Therefore in the work of Christ God has redeemed
all men—hypothetically or potentially."5 In addition, Cameron
distinguished between a natural ability to believe on Christ, and
a moral inability to believe. By this he meant that, because man
is a moral creature and possesses rational faculties, he is able
to respond to the offer of grace, but since he is corrupted and depraved
he will not.6 Amyraut, enamored with these notions, published a
treatise in which he presented his version of them to the world. Just
fifteen years after the end of the Synod of Dordt, Amyraut’s Brief
Traitté de la Prédestination appeared.
B. The Brief
Traitté (1634)
In his Brief
Traitté de la Prédestination (1634) Amyraut claimed to be writing
out of concern for Roman Catholic converts to the Reformed faith who
found the doctrines of absolute predestination and limited atonement
unpalatable. He hoped, so was his claim, that if he clarified these
doctrines, more Roman Catholics might be won to the Reformed faith.7
Absolute predestination with the related doctrine of limited atonement
was a stumbling block.8 Amyraut himself was highly esteemed by the Roman
Catholic hierarchy.9 In addition, he claim to be following John Calvin,
who, he alleged, agreed with his theological position. He argued, as
have Amyraldians since his time,10 that limited atonement was a product of
the so-called scholastic development of Protestantism, beginning with
Theodore Beza and his successors.11
In the Brief
Traitté, Amyraut taught that Christ died for all men without
exception. He taught that clearly:
The
grace of redemption which [Christ] has procured and offered to
them ought to be equal and universal, provided that they
are found to be equally disposed to receive it … The
sacrifice that He has offered for the propitiation of their
offenses has been equally offered for all, and the
salvation that he has received from His Father to communicate to
men in the sanctification of the Spirit and in the glorification
of the body is intended equally for all, provided, I say,
that the disposition necessary to receive it is in the same way
equal.12
Truly
[God] has resolved to send His Son to the earth and abandon Him
to the death of the cross for the universal salvation of the
world.13
He also
taught predestination of some to eternal salvation:
God
knows certainly and undoubtedly who will be saved because he has
resolved to provide for them to believe, and who will not
believe, because he has ordained not to undertake in the same
way for them. Thus, with respect to God, the knowledge of the
outcome is clear and infallible.14
Amyraut
attempted to reconcile these two contradictory ideas. First of all he
taught a general love of God towards all men. "God desires,"
wrote Amyraut, "that all men be saved and come to a knowledge of
the truth, provided they believe. "Consequently,"
Amyraut continued, "these words, ‘God desires the salvation of
all men’ (I Tim. 2:4) receive this necessary limitation, ‘providing
that they believe.’ If they do not believe, he does not desire
it."15
In this
universal decree of salvation the condition is faith. Christ therefore
died hypothetically or potentially for all men without exception,
if they believe. If they do not believe Christ’s death avails them
nothing. This universal, hypothetical, potential decree of
predestination with a hypothetical, universal atonement saves nobody
because none fulfill the condition of faith. Therefore, God, foreseeing
this, by a second decree in which he predestines only some to salvation,
purposes to give them the faith to believe and fulfill the condition:
Therefore
it is true that the mercy of God toward men with regard to His
counsels to procure salvation for them has two degrees – one
which, as it is said, does not go beyond presenting to us the
remission of our offenses in the Redeemer and takes sovereign
pleasure in our salvation, providing that we do not reject
this grace through unbelief, and another which goes so far
as to make us believe and prevents salvation being rejected by
us.16
This system
is hypothetical universalism, a term derived from a nickname, les
hypothétiques ("the hypotheticals"), which the orthodox gave
to the Amyraldians.17
Two years
(1636) later Amyraut published his Eschantillon de la Doctrine de
Calvin ("Sample or Selection From the Doctrine of
Calvin"), which consisted of numerous quotations from Calvin’s
writings, which supposedly demonstrated that Calvin had been in full
agreement with Amyraut’s position. Amyraut also later wrote a book in
defence of Calvin’s doctrine of reprobation (1641) but in that work he
describes reprobation as conditional!18
C. The
response of the French Reformed Church
The
publication of Amyraut’s book caused immediate controversy.19 The
national Synod of Alençon (1637) examined the doctrine of Amyraut and
his colleague, Testard, but apart from some mild censure concerning
inappropriate language, no discipline was brought against them. The
synod decreed,
that
for the future, that phrase of Jesus Christ’s dying equally
for all, should be forborn, because that term equally was
formerly, and might be so again, an occasion of stumbling unto
many.20
Roger Nicole,
notes that, although the synod were satisfied with Amyraut and Testard’s
explanations, it is "difficult to maintain that they were wholly
free from dissimulation in this matter."21 One marvels at the
blindness of the synod.22
Amyraut’s
book contains statements which clearly contradict the Canons of
Dordt, which were binding upon all French office-bearers.
Furthermore, Amyraut’s position as theological professor gave him
ample opportunity to transmit his heretical theology to the next
generation of ministers. For this reason alone the synod ought to have
been stronger in correcting error. Sadly, Amyraut had many supporters
who wanted to see toleration for various views within the church. A
second synod in Charenton (1644) exonerated Amyraut again and sent him
back "with honor to fulfill his office, and exhorted him to occupy
himself in this with joy and courage."23 But there is evidence that
the French Church was weak from the start. Some of the displaced
Arminians (who had been ejected from the Netherlands after the Synod of
Dordt) had already been permitted to join the church in Paris without
abjuring their heretical opinions.24 In such an atmosphere of false
tolerance the Amyraldian heresy could spread unchecked. The French
church was further weakened by the political situation in which she
found herself. In France the Reformed faith was barely tolerated and the
Protestants could not afford a schism in the church.
III.
THE CREEDS
A. Amyraut
against the Canons?
Frans Pieter
van Stam, whose comprehensive historical study of the Amyraut
controversy leans heavily in favor of the Amyraldians, affirms that the
French Reformed Church "endorsed the doctrine as formulated by the
Synod of Dordt" in 1620.25 Philip Schaff confirms this when he writes
that all ministers and elders were bound to the Canons of Dordt
"by a solemn oath to defend them to the last breath."26
Armstrong, another writer favourable to Amyraut, speaks of a
"strict subscription clause" to the Canons binding upon
Amyraut.27 John Cameron too was involved in a dispute concerning the Canons,
although he managed to clear himself of suspicion of being sympathetic
toward Arminian theology.28 Subsequent events lead one to suspect that he
was cleared without good reason.
Opinions
regarding whether Amyraut was faithful to the Canons of Dordt are
divided. Alan Clifford, the United Kingdom’s leading proponent of
Amyraldianism, unsurprisingly, maintains that Amyraut was characterized
by a "clear commitment" to the Canons.29 Armstrong also
believes that Amyraut’s teachings "remained faithful to the
Reformed Confessions."30 However, George Smeaton argues that
Amyraldianism was "a revolt from the position maintained at Dordt
under the guise of an explanation."31 Van Stam, in spite of his high
regard for the Amyraldian party, reveals that they were not really
committed to the Canons. He writes,
A
weak point on the side of the Amyraut group was their failure to
say frankly that they had problems working with the doctrinal
pronouncements of the synod of Dordt. They were probably awed by
the authority which this synod had among their contemporaries
and deemed it imprudent to open it up for discussion.32
Although the Canons
were not written as a direct response to Amyraut, whose opinions only
came to light after their completion, they nevertheless contain
statements which oppose Amyraut’s theological position. For example,
Amyraut’s doctrine of predestination is ruled out by Head I, Article
8, which teaches that "there are not various decrees of election,
but one and the same decree respecting all those who shall be
saved" and the idea that "there are various kinds of election
of God unto eternal life: the one general and indefinite, the other
particular and definite … one election unto faith and another unto
salvation, so that election can be unto justifying faith without being
unto salvation" is rejected decisively by Dordt as "a fancy of
men’s minds, regardless of the Scriptures, whereby the doctrine of
election is corrupted" (Head II, Rejection 2).
Similarly,
Head II, Article 8 teaches that Christ died only for the elect according
to the express will of God:
For
this was the sovereign counsel and most gracious will and
purpose of God the Father, that the quickening and saving
efficacy of the most precious death of his Son should extend to
all the elect, for bestowing upon them alone the gift of
justifying faith, thereby to bring them infallibly unto
salvation; that is, it was the will of God that Christ by
the blood of the cross, whereby he confirmed the new covenant, should
effectually redeem out of every people, tribe, nation and
language all those, and those only, who were from
eternity chosen to salvation and given to him by the Father; that
He should confer upon them faith, which together with
all the other saving gifts of the Holy Spirit, He purchased
for them by His death.
This article
leaves no room for the Amyraldian notion that God willed that Christ die
for more than just the elect, or that Christ purchased salvation for
some to whom it is not applied by the Holy Spirit.
Homer C.
Hoeksema writes,
God
never intended anything else than that the quickening
(life-giving) and saving efficacy … should extend to the elect
only … Any other conception of election than that which is
maintained by the Canons, that is, a sovereign, eternal,
unchangeable, definite, personal election, vitiates and makes
null and void any real saving efficacy in the death of Christ.
And it is worthy of note not only that the Canons here make the
limitation of the atonement a divinely sovereign limitation, but
that they literally speak of the purpose of God in the sense of intention.
… God’s counsel, His will and His intention are identical in
this article. There is absolutely no room left for another
purpose, will, intention or counsel of God according to which He
after all desires the salvation of all men.33
In addition
Head II, Rejection of Errors 6 refutes Amyraut’s distinction between
"meriting and appropriating" and does not allow for the idea
that Christ merited pardon for all men on condition of faith, but then
only applies the merits to some. Head II, Rejection of Errors 3 is
written to oppose those who teach that "Christ by His satisfaction,
merited neither salvation itself for anyone, nor faith, whereby this
satisfaction of Christ unto salvation is effectually appropriated."
Amyraut was guilty of teaching that error. The Canons counter it
with these words, "These adjudge too contemptuously of the death of
Christ, do in no wise acknowledge the most important fruit or benefit
thereby gained, and bring again out of hell the Pelagian error"
(Head II, Rejection 3).
B. The Formula
Consensus Helvetica
Although in
France the response to Amyraldianism was weak the Reformed churches in
Switzerland opposed the theology of Saumur.34 In 1675, eleven years after
Amyraut’s death, John Henry Heidegger (1633-1698) and Francis Turretin
(1623-1687), published the Formula Consensus Helvetica which
Schaff describes as
a
defense of the scholastic Calvinism of the Synod of Dordt
against the theology of Saumur (Salmurium), especially
against the universalism of Amyraldus. Hence it may be called a Formula
anti-Salmuriensis, or anti-Amyraldensis.35
Schaff is
sharply critical of this creed, describing it in these terms, "It
is the product of scholasticism, which formulated the faith of Calvin
into a stiff doctrinal system, and anxiously surrounded it with high
walls to keep out the light of freedom and progress,"36 but the
Reformed believer, while not agreeing with every statement in this
creed, should be thankful to God for it since it is the only creed which
was written specifically against Amyraldianism.
The Helvetica
Consensus Formula disapproves of those who teach "that of his
own intention, by His own counsel, and that of the Father who sent Him,
Christ died for all and each upon an impossible condition, provided they
believe" (Canon XVI).37 Clearly Amyraut’s teaching is meant here.
It is absurd to suggest that God would send Christ to die for someone on
condition that they do something which He knows they will not and cannot
fulfill and which He Himself has determined not to fulfill in them. Such
teachers, according to the Helvetica Consensus Formula,
"make His cross of none effect, and under the appearance of
augmenting His merit, they really diminish it" (Canon XVI).38
IV.
ANALYSIS OF AMYRAUT’S ERRORS
A. The will
of God
Amyraut
posited a contradiction in the will of God. Amyraut was content to
espouse a paradoxical theology:
Although
my reason found there some things which seemed to be in
conflict, although whatever effort I exert I am unable to
harmonize or reconcile them, still I will not fail to hold these
two doctrines as true.39
These two
contradictory ideas are of course that "God willed the salvation of
all men" while at the same time "God willed that only a select
few would enjoy participation in this universal salvation procured by
Christ".40 To deny such contradictions in God’s decree is to be
contemptuously dismissed as rationalistic or scholastic.41 However, the
Bible teaches that God’s will is one: "He is of one mind, and who
can turn him? and what his soul desireth, even that he doeth" (Job
23:13). God does not only have the ability and power to accomplish his
will, but He actually does what He wills: "he doeth [not
merely, "he can do"] according to his will" (Dan. 4:35).
"Our God is in the heavens: he hath done (not, simply, "he is
able to do") whatsoever he hath pleased" (Ps. 115:3).
"Whatever the LORD pleased, that did he [not, "that he could
do"] in heaven, and in earth, in the seas and in all deep
places" (Ps. 135:6). "My counsel shall stand and I shall do
all (not "some of") my pleasure" (Isa. 46:10). Finally,
"he worketh [not merely "is able to work if he so
chooses"] all things after the counsel of his own will" (Eph.
1:11).
Amyraut, who
was bound to the creeds, ought to have known better. The Canons
state that "the Scripture declares the good pleasure, purpose and
counsel of the divine will to be one" (Head I, Article 8,
italics mine).
Calvin,
Amyraut’s "favourite theologian" gives Amyraut no support
here. Against Pighius he had written:
We,
however, with greater reverence and sobriety, say ‘that God
always wills the same thing; and that this is the very praise of
His immutability.’ Whatever He decrees, therefore, He effects;
and this is in Divine consistency with His omnipotence. And the
will of God, being thus inseparably united with His power,
constitutes an exalted harmony of His attributes.42
If God’s
word criticizes the double minded man (James 1:8) what are we to make of
Amyraut’s double minded god? Is it conceivable that God could have two
opposite purposes in the cross of His beloved Son? Turretin certainly
viewed such an idea as absurd:
Who
can believe that in the one and simple act by which God decreed
all things (although we have to conceive of it by parts), there
were two intentions so diverse (not to say contrary) that in one
manner Christ should die for all, and in another only for some?43
In addition,
Amyraut taught that salvation is available to all if they believe.
God has procured salvation, he taught, through the work of Christ and
anyone can enjoy the benefits if they believe. Indeed God earnestly
desires that all receive this salvation, although He has determined not
to give the requisite faith to all. John Owen expressed the absurdity of
this notion in these words:
God
intendeth that he shall die for all, to procure for them
remission of sins, reconciliation with him, eternal redemption
and glory; but yet so that they shall never have the least good
by these glorious things, unless they perform that which he
knows they are in no way able to do, and which none but himself
can enable them to perform, and which concerning far the
greatest part of them he is resolved not to do. Is this to
intend that Christ should die for them for their good? or
rather, that he should die for them to expose them to shame and
misery? Is it not all one as if a man should promise a blind man
a thousand pounds upon condition that he will see?44
B. The
justice of God
If Christ
died equally for all, why are not all equally saved? The Bible teaches
that God "set forth [Jesus Christ] to be a propitiation through
faith in his blood to declare his righteousness … that he might be
just, and the justifier of him which believeth in Jesus" (Rom.
3:25-26). If Christ died for a person, the sins of that person have been
blotted out and, according to God’s justice, that person must be
pardoned of all his iniquities.
Amyraldianism
cannot explain how God can be just in punishing unbelievers eternally
for the same sins for which Christ supposedly offered Himself. B. B.
Warfield asks, "if this obstacle [i.e., their sin] is removed, are
they not saved? Some other obstacles must be invented."45 The
Amyraldian cannot answer that they are damned on account of their
unbelief, for, if Christ died for all their sins, that includes their
unbelief.
C. God’s
intention in sending Christ
What was God’s
intention in sending Christ and Christ’s intention in coming into the
world? The Scriptures are clear that God sent Christ into the world with
a definite purpose in mind. That purpose was to "save sinners"
(I Tim. 1:15), that is, as Owen writes,
not
to open a door for them to come in if they will or can; not to
make a way passable, that they may be saved; not to purchase
reconciliation and pardon of His Father, which perhaps they
shall never enjoy; but actually to save them from all the guilt
and power of sin, and from the wrath of God for sin: which if he
doth not accomplish, he fails of the end of his coming; and that
ought not to be affirmed.46
The name
"Jesus" reveals Christ’s purpose, "to save his people
from their sins" (Matt. 1:21). He did not intend to save everyone
from their sins, but His own people. In other places Christ is said to
have given himself to the death of the cross "that he might redeem
us from all iniquity" (Titus 2:14) and in order to "deliver us
from this present evil world" (Gal. 1:4). His purpose is very
clearly expressed in John 6:39-40:
For I
came down from heaven not to do mine own will, but the will of
him that sent me. And this is Father’s will which hath sent
me, that of all which he hath given me, I should lose nothing,
but should raise it up at the last day.
Christ did
not, therefore, come from heaven and suffer on the cross, to attempt to
save all men without exception, including those whom God hates and had
rejected from eternity, but He came to save a certain definite number of
people.
D. What
Christ accomplished by His death
What was
accomplished by the cross? The Scriptures are clear that Christ did not
accomplish the mere possibility of salvation for all without
exception but actual salvation for some. Hebrews 1:3 teaches that Christ
"purged" our sins. It was an actual purging of them, not a
mere potential purging. Acts 20:28 declares that Christ
"purchased" His church with His own blood. It was not a
potential but a real purchase that Christ made with the result that the
Church is His property. Hebrews 9:12 announces that Christ has
"obtained eternal redemption for us;" that is a real
obtaining. Colossians 1:14 and Ephesians 1:7 both proclaim that "we
have redemption in His blood." We have it; we do not merely have it
hypothetically. I Peter 2:24 teaches that Christ "bare our sins in
his own body on the tree," that is he truly bore the punishment for
them and "healed" us by his stripes. In other places, Christ
is said to have "reconciled" us (Col. 1:21), "delivered
us" (Gal. 3:13) and "made us nigh" (Eph. 2:13) by His
cross. There is no hypothetical language here. Jonathan Rainbow rightly
sees the contrast between particular redemption and hypothetical
redemption as the difference between teaching that "the death of
Christ brought all men to the gates of heaven, but none into
heaven" or "the death of Christ brought the elect, and none
but the elect into heaven."47
E. The
scripturally-designated objects of Christ’s death
Scripture has
various ways of speaking about the objects of Christ’s atoning work.
The outstanding passage is John 10. In verse 11, Christ declares that as
the good shepherd He lays down His life for His sheep. That not all men
are Christ’s sheep is clear from verse 26 where Christ tells the
Pharisees in the plainest possible language: "Ye are not of my
sheep." In other words, Christ did not lay down His life for those
Pharisees, and by extension, He did not lay down His life for any of the
reprobate who are not included in the number of His sheep. In addition,
Jesus says in Matthew 20:28 that He gives His life a ransom for many,
not all without exception. In Acts 20:28 and Ephesians 5:25 the object
of Christ’s redemption is the church. Not all men are part of the
church for whom Christ died.
Amyraut
himself admitted that the Bible speaks in such terms. He wrote,
The
same Scripture which teaches us so eloquently that Christ died
universally for all the world, speaks sometimes in such manner
that it seems to approach saying that he died for the small
number elected to faith only, as if he had suffered only for
those who feel the fruit of his death and not for those whose
own unbelief renders this death frustrated.48
However,
Amyraut was not deterred, nor was he bridled by the Reformed
confessions. He insisted that the Bible teaches that Christ died for
"all men" and the "world."
F.
"Universalistic" language in Scripture
Both
Arminians and Amyraldians insist that such texts must mean that every
member of the human race without exception is included in the cross of
Christ. However, we must identify how Scripture uses the word
"world" (Greek: kosmos). If we study the use of this
word, we will discover that it has a variety of meanings and does not
always refer to the entire human race. In John 7:4, Jesus’ brethren
urge him, "Shew thyself to the world [kosmos]."
Clearly, Jesus’ brothers did not mean that he should reveal himself to
all men without exception. In John 12:19 the Pharisees lament Jesus’
popularity with the people, "Perceive ye how ye prevail nothing?
Behold the world [kosmos] is gone after him." Jesus was not
universally known, and certainly not universally followed.
The word
"world" is used in Scripture to describe the objects of Christ’s
redemption for two main reasons.
In the first
place, the word contradicts the idea of the Jews that God’s love is
only for their nation while all other nations lie under God’s curse.
For men like Nicodemus, it was inconceivable that God could love
Gentiles and send the promised Messiah to save them (John 3:16).
Jesus uses the word "world" deliberately to correct his false
sectarian ideas in this regard. The New Testament Church is catholic and
includes people from every nation, not just Israel. The Jews had to
learn this. Even wicked Caiaphas was made to declare this: "He
prophesied that Christ should die for that nation, but not for that
nation only, but that also he should gather together in one the children
of God that were scattered abroad" (John 11:51-52). The text does
not say, "not for that nation only, but for the entire human race
or all men without exception." Jesus died for the Jewish nation
(but not every individual Jew) and for all the elect Gentiles who, being
Jesus "other sheep" (John 10:16), must also be gathered by
Him. Similarly, Revelation 5:9 states that Christ "redeemed us to
God by [His] blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and people and
nation." But this does not refer to every individual member of
every nation. Louis Berkhof notes that the word "world" is
employed "to indicate that the Old Testament particularism belongs
to the past, and made way for New Testament universalism."49
In the second
place, Scripture speaks of Christ dying to save the world because of the
organic nature of salvation. Christ’s intention is not to save
individuals but an elect human race. Christ has redeemed the entire
creation. This was also Calvin’s view as Rainbow explains it,
Calvin’s
universalistic language expressed the theological conviction
that the elect, chosen by God, redeemed by Christ, and gathered
through the Spirit from all places and peoples, constitute a new
and representative humanity. Calvin was not content to think of
the elect as a scrap of mankind or of Christ’s redemptive work
as a desperate salvage operation. It was in fact a construction
of a glorious perfected humanity.50
Similarly the
phrase "all men" may have many meanings depending on the
context. Often the word "men" is not in the original Greek
where a form of the adjective, pas (all) is used. For example,
Matthew 10:22, "And ye shall be hated of all [pas] men for
my name’s sake," does not teach that every human being without
exception shall hate the disciples. When it is said in Matthew 21:26,
"All [pas] hold John as a prophet," not the entire
human race is meant, and the disciples’ remark to Jesus is Mark 1:37,
"All [pas] men seek thee" cannot be stretched too far.
Examples could be multiplied (John 3:26; 11:48; Acts 19:19; 22:15; Rom.
16:19). The principle is that "all men" in the Bible refers to
all of a specific group but rarely the entire human race. An
illustration from idiomatic English may be appropriate. If I say,
"Everybody is coming to my house for a meeting tonight," I
obviously do not mean by the word "everybody" to invite the
entire city, never mind the entire human race.51 I have a certain group of
people in mind and I mean every member of that group. The phrase
"all men" in addition means "all kinds of men," not
just Jews or rich people or old people, but people from every part of
society and every nation under heaven.
In addition,
the Bible often speaks of Christ’s death in these terms: "The
LORD hath laid on him the iniquity of us all" (Isa. 53:6) or God
"delivered him up for us all" (Rom. 8:32). Clearly, the key to
understanding these texts is to consider that the "us" refers
to God’s covenant people. The "us" of Scripture refers to
all the members of the church, the elect, the sanctified, the beloved
and none else.
Hebrews 2:9
teaches that Jesus "tasted death for every man." If the verse
is wrested from its context it seems to teach a death of Christ for all
head for head. Verse 10 teaches that Christ’s intention as
"captain of their salvation" was to "bring many sons to
glory." If we take verse 10 into consideration the obvious meaning
is that Christ tasted death for every son whom He brings to glory of
whose salvation He is the captain (the word "man" is not in
the Greek of verse 9). Christ did not taste death for those who must
drink the cup of God’s wrath for all eternity (Ps. 11:6).
G. Calvin’s
"universalistic" language
Although
Calvin did use universalistic language when speaking of the death of
Christ, something modern Amyraldians love to emphasize,52 it is necessary
to understand what Calvin meant by such expressions. Rainbow has done
extensive research on this issue. He writes, "Calvin understood ‘human
race’ as the assembly of the elect from every kind of humanity."53
Regarding Calvin’s understanding of one of Amyraut’s favorite
passages, I John 2:1-2, Rainbow writes,
That
settles it. So John’s words, ‘the whole world,’ mean ‘the
whole church,’ ‘the faithful,’ and ‘the children of God.’
Like Bucer, Calvin bypassed the subtleties of the scholastics
and returned to the straightforward particularism of Augustine
and Gottschalk.54
Concerning I
Timothy 2:1-6, Rainbow writes,
Calvin
saw the whole passage as a unit. The Holy Spirit commands us to
pray for all, because our only Mediator admits all to come to
him; just as by his death he reconciled all to the Father.’
And he referred the universal term ‘all’ throughout the
passage to kinds of men, not individuals. Christ’s death, like
God’s saving will, is directed not to every human being but to
human beings from every segment of humanity. The whole case for
Calvin as a limited redemptionist could well rest on this one
place.55
In
conclusion, after having discussed the views of Augustine, Gottschalk,
Aquinas, Wycliffe, Bucer and Calvin, Rainbow writes, "The
Augustinian dike stood firm: In his exposition of salvation texts,
Calvin never allowed all to mean every."56
Indeed,
Calvin very clearly denied that Christ died for all men. Rainbow notes,
Calvin
said: "I should like to know how the wicked can eat the
flesh of Christ which was not crucified for them." No
intelligent universal redemptionist would have said this, even
in a hyperbolic flurry, far less a theologian like Calvin, who
weighed every word.57
H. Christ’s
high priestly office
As high
priest, Christ offered Himself as a sacrifice for, intercedes for, and
blesses His people. Amyraut’s Christ offers Himself for all men
without exception, but only intercedes for some (John 17:9). Scripture
teaches that Christ intercedes on the basis of His atonement. Romans
8:34 links Christ’s atonement to His intercession: "It is Christ
that died … who also maketh intercession for us." Paul takes it
as a settled fact that those for whom Christ died are guaranteed
salvation. Otherwise his rhetorical question ("Who is he that
condemneth?" [Rom. 8:34]) makes no sense. On the basis of Christ’s
death and intercession, there is no charge against God’s elect (Rom.
8:33).
I John 2:1-2
also links inextricably Christ’s atonement and His intercession:
"We have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous.
And he is the propitiation for our sins." When Christ enters the
presence of the Father to plead for His people, He does so on the basis
of the accomplished redemption (Heb. 7:25-28, 9:11-12, 24). If Christ
died for all men, then He must plead for all men.
Owen writes,
He
did not suffer for them and then refuse to intercede for them;
he did not do the greater and omit the less. The price of our
redemption is more precious in the eyes of God and His Son than
that it should, as it were, be cast away on perishing souls,
without any care taken of what becomes of them afterward.58
Turretin
writes, "It is gratuitously supposed that a universal intercession
can be granted. For as he is always heard by the Father (John 11:42), if
he would intercede for all, all would be actually saved."59
Owen
concludes,
These
two acts of his priesthood are not to be separated; it belongs
to the same mediator for sin to sacrifice and pray. Our
assurance that he is our advocate is grounded on his being a
propitiation for our sins. He is an "advocate" for
every one for whose sins his blood was a
"propitiation," I John ii. 1, 2. But Christ does not
intercede and pray for all, as himself often witnesseth, John
xvii.; he "maketh intercession" only for them who
"come unto God by him," Heb. vii. 25. He is not a
mediator of them that perish, no more than an advocate of them
that fail in their suits.60
This is
another powerful argument against the "Amyraut thesis," the
theory that Amyraut rediscovered the "real Calvin" whose
theology had been corrupted by later Protestant "scholastics:"
To
recapitulate briefly what we have seen so far: Christ chose the
elect, was sent by the Father to save the elect, rose from the
dead for the elect, intercedes in heaven for the elect, rules
for the sake of the elect in the present age, and will return
for the elect at the end of the age. The Amyraut thesis calls
upon us to believe that according to Calvin, among all the works
of the Redeemer, his death, in lonely isolation from everything
else, was intended for everyone.61
I. The
application of the merits of Christ’s atonement
One of the
pillars of Amyraldianism is Amyraut’s insistence that "Scripture
taught both a universalist design in Christ’s atonement and a
particularist application of its benefits.’62 That makes nonsense of
Paul’s triumphant question in Romans 8:32, "He that spared not
his own Son, but delivered him up for us all, how shall he not with him
freely give us all things?" If there are some for whom Christ was
delivered up, who nevertheless perish everlastingly, how can he have
freely given them all things? The "all things" must include
forgiveness of sins, everlasting life, faith, repentance, the Holy
Spirit and everything necessary for salvation.
Berkhof
writes,
And
if the assertion be made that the design of God and of Christ
was evidently conditional, contingent on the faith and
repentance of man, attention should be called to the fact that
the Bible clearly teaches that Christ by His death purchased
faith, repentance, and all the other works of the Spirit for His
people.63
Amyraut
dishonours Christ when he says that Christ was given for all men, but
that God does not give all men faith. Why would the Holy Spirit not
apply the benefits of salvation to all those for whom the Son died? Does
the Holy Spirit, who like the wind "bloweth where it listeth"
(John 3:8), have a will contrary to the Son? Such an idea is absurd. The
Bible teaches that the salvation procured by Christ is applied to all
those for whom it was procured. Turretin writes, "It is gratuitous
to say that Christ is the Savior of those for whom salvation is indeed
acquired, but to whom it is will never be applied."64 And, as has
been demonstrated, the Canons of Dordt declare that Christ
purchased faith for the elect on the cross, and that it is the will of
God that faith be conferred upon them (Head II, Article 8). Similarly,
Owen summarizes the orthodox position in these words: "Christ did
not die for any upon condition, if they do believe, but he died
for all God’s elect, that they should believe, and believing
have eternal life."65
J.
Sufficient for all; effectual for some?
The constant
refrain of Amyraldianism is that Christ died sufficiently for all, but
effectually for some. We do not deny that Christ’s atonement, as far
as the infinite value of it is concerned, is sufficient to redeem the
whole world, but the contention is, what was God’s purpose in sending
Christ? Alan Clifford makes the following astounding claim,
Amyraut’s
clear commitment to the Canons of Dordt suggests
that the Amyraldians are the true ‘five point’ Calvinists.
If anything, the high orthodox may be styled ‘four and a half
pointers,’ since they virtually deny the universal sufficiency
of the atonement clearly expressed in the second canon.66
We have seen
that Amyraut was not committed to the Canons of Dordt. Head II,
Articles 3-4 do indeed teach, and we affirm, that Christ’s death
"is of infinite worth and value, abundantly sufficient to expiate
the sins of the whole world." The Canons, however, do not
mean by this that therefore God intended that the atonement
expiate the sins of the whole world, or that it was offered for
the whole world. Rather they explain that the atonement is infinite in
value because of the dignity of the one who died, Jesus Christ, the
Eternal Son of God made flesh. Of course, His death was of infinite
value. In addition, none deny that faith is necessary to enjoy the
salvation purchased by Christ. But faith is part of that salvation
purchased for the elect (Canons, Head II, Article II. 8), not a
condition of salvation. As Herman Hanko writes,
Is
faith a part of salvation or is it a condition to salvation? It
cannot be both. If it is a condition to salvation then it is not
a part of salvation. And if it is not a part of salvation then
it is not worked by God but by man. To maintain both at the same
time is patent nonsense and impossible for any intelligent
person to believe.67
K. The
nature of redemption
Amyraldianism
is refuted when we consider the words used in theology to describe
Christ’s work on the cross. Christ made satisfaction to the
justice of God against the sins of all those for whom He died. Christ
having died for a sinner, that sinner must be released from the guilt
and punishment of sin. If he is not saved then the death of Christ is
ineffectual. But such a conclusion is intolerable. If all that Christ
did was insufficient to save the sinners for whom He died, what hope is
there for any sinner? The Bible makes clear that the death of Christ was
effectual. It was the purpose of God that it be effectual.
Christ’s
death was redemption. To redeem means to buy back with a price.
The price was Christ’s blood. Christ purchased the sinners for whom He
died (I Cor. 6:20). They belong to Him. They belong to Him first by
election. Jesus makes clear in many places that God has given to Him
certain sinners and that He has a charge from the Father to save them
(John 6:38; 10:29; 17:2). He never speaks of a supposed secondary
purpose in His death. Jesus insists that He shall certainly save all
those who have been given to Him, that is, all the elect. It is an
insult to Christ to suggest that He does not receive all whom He
purchased.
Christ’s
death was atonement which means that He covered the sins of His
elect people. He blotted them out. He took them away. Hence John can
speak concerning Jesus, "Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away
the sin of the world" (John 1:29). The important word is the verb.
Christ takes away the sins of the world. He does not merely try
to take them away. Either all sins (including unbelief) are taken away,
with the result that all are saved, or the word "world" here
does not mean all mankind.
Christ death
was reconciliation. "God was in Christ reconciling the world
unto himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them" (II Cor.
5:19). Since it is evident that God does indeed impute trespasses unto
many who must suffer punishment for those sins eternally, it follows
that such do not belong to the world of this text. Similarly, in Romans
5:10 the Scripture says that "we were reconciled to God by the
death of his Son," an accomplished fact, not conditional on us, but
wrought by Christ "while we were yet sinners" (5:8).
Furthermore, verse 10 links the accomplished reconciliation with a
certain, guaranteed, future salvation.
Christ’s
death is propitiation or the turning away of God’s wrath by
means of a sacrifice. Christ is the propitiation for our sins. This is
the key to understanding the "proof text" of Amyraldianism, I
John 2:2, where we read that Christ is the propitiation for "the
whole world." The issue is not, what does the whole world mean, but
rather what does "propitiation" mean? Since propitiation is a
turning away the wrath of God, it is inconceivable that Christ can be a
propitiation for somebody who remains for all eternity under the wrath
of God.
Christ uses
the word ransom to describe what He accomplishes on the cross in
Matt. 20:28. A ransom is a price paid to release a captive. The price
having been paid, justice demands that the ransomed one be set free. A
ransom is not paid on condition that the one in bondage accept it. It is
paid for the one in bondage but it is paid to the one who
has enslaved him. The transaction occurs outside of the consciousness,
cooperation or contribution of the one in bondage. When Christ paid the
price to the justice of God, the sinner was not consulted. Neither is
the sinner consulted or asked for his consent when it comes to the
matter of accepting or rejecting the ransom. God has accepted the
ransom. This is evident in that He raised Christ from the dead (Rom.
4:25). The price was paid in full and God is satisfied. None of this
fits with universal redemption.
V.
THE LEGACY OF AMYRALDIANISM
Amyraut’s
theory bore bitter fruit in the French Reformed churches. George Smeaton
gives this chilling analysis:
In
the last degree [it was] disastrous to French Protestantism
before the revocation of the Edict of Nantes … it was a
death-blow … the majority of the theologians and pastors soon
adopted [Amyraut’s] opinions. The French Reformed Church
virtually ceased to be a witness to the doctrines of grace … a
few years later a terrible storm of persecution broke out, and
scattered the French Protestants over the globe. It is not for
us to call this a divine retribution or visitation in wrath, but
few will deny that a deep declension had begun.68
We cannot
agree with Amyraut’s supporters that the debate which raged in French
Protestantism was a storm in a teacup.69 In the controversy we see the
subtle nature of heresy and the sad failure of church discipline. The
nature of God, His decrees, the spiritual condition of natural man, the
efficacy of the atonement of Christ and the salvation of sinners, were,
and are still at stake.
Surely
Rainbow’s conclusion is correct:
In
fact it seems much more accurate to say that Amyraut was the
real Reformed "scholastic," and "Reformed Thomas
Aquinas," the balancer, the synthesizer, the creator of new
categories, and structures. And Reformed orthodoxy, with its
insistence on limited redemption, was actually a primitive
throwback to the rigorous and markedly non-rationalistic
particularism of Augustine and Gottschalk. Under whatever label,
John Calvin, as a limited redemptionist, belongs historically
with Augustine, Gottschalk, Bucer, Beza and Reformed orthodoxy–not
with Amyraut.70
Amyraldianism
posits a redemption which does not redeem, an atonement which does not
atone, a propitiation which does not propitiate and a reconciliation
which does not reconcile, unless man does something to make the work of
Christ effectual for him personally. As Owen so cogently writes,
"To affirm that Christ died for all men is the readiest way to
prove that he died for no man, in the sense Christians have hitherto
believed."71
Click
here to read an article on "Amyraldianism and the Formula Consensus Helvetica
(1675)"

End Notes
1Men like Pierre du Moulin
(1568-1658) and Friedrich Spanheim (1600-1649) wrote tomes in refutation
of Amyraldianism. Indeed, Spanheim was in the middle of his second major
work against Amyraut’s heresies when he died suddenly in 1649.
2In the United
Kingdom, Alan C. Clifford, pastor of Norwich Reformed Church, is the
most prominent proponent of Amyraldianism, through his various
publications and his annual "Amyraldian Association
Conference." Amyraldianism is far from being an old French heresy
that can be ignored by modern Reformed theologians and office bearers.
3Frans Pieter van
Stam, The Controversy over the Theology of Saumur, 1635-1650,
Disrupting Debates Among the Huguenots in Complicated Circumstances
(Amsterdam and Maarssen: APA-Holland University Press, 1988), p. 38.
4Brian G. Armstrong, Calvin
and the Amyraut Heresy: Protestant Scholasticism and Humanism in
Seventeenth Century France (Madison, Milwaukee, and London:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), p. 61.
5Armstrong, Calvin
and the Amyraut Heresy, pp. 58-59.
6Moise Amyraut, Brief
Treatise on Predestination and its Dependent Principles, trans. Richard Lum
(place of publication and publisher unknown, 1985), p. vii of translator’s preface, "The assumption that the
fallen will, apart from any immediate work of the Spirit, cannot reject
the Gospel when the understanding grasps it clearly is the most
disturbing of the elements in Amyraut’s thought."
7Roger Nicole,
reviewing van Stam’s book, writes, "Amyraut thought he could
establish a bridge that would make it easier for Roman Catholic people
to embrace the Reformed Faith. He seemed to remain oblivious to the fact
that most bridges carry two-way traffic: he unwittingly made it easier
for Reformed people to turn to Roman Catholicism" ("Book
Review: The Controversy over the Theology of Saumur, 1635-1650,
Disrupting Debates Among the Huguenots in Complicated
Circumstances," Westminster Theological Journal, vol. 54,
no. 2 [Fall, 1992], p. 396).
8To Amyraut "the
limitation of the extent of the atonement was a liability in the
endeavor to make and keep Catholic converts" (G. M. Thomas, The
Extent of the Atonement. A Dilemma for Reformed Theology from Calvin to
the Consensus [Carlisle: Paternoster, 1997], p. 201.
9Schaff writes,
"The French Protestants were surrounded and threatened [by
Romanists]. Being employed by the Reformed Synod in important diplomatic
negotiations with the government, he came in frequent contact with
bishops, and with Cardinal Richelieu, who esteemed him highly"
(Creeds of Christendom [Grand Rapids: Baker, 1983], vol. 1, pp. 480-481; italics mine). Armstrong notes that
Amyraut was infused with a "broad and irenic spirit" and that
"Cardinal Richelieu and Mazarin paid Amyraut frequent visits"
(Calvin and the Amyraut Heresy, p. 72).
10Clifford claims
that Calvin’s "finely tuned biblical balance was effectively
destroyed by the ultra-orthodoxy of Theodore Beza (1519-1605)" and
that "the high Calvinists (after Calvin) squeezed the universal
language of Scripture into a rigidly particularist mould" (Alan C.
Clifford, Calvinus: Authentic Calvinism, a Clarification
[Norwich: Charenton Reformed Publishing, 1996], pp. 11-12).
11This claim, made by
many modern Amyraldians, that Calvin and Beza had fundamentally
different theologies, lacks evidence. That the two men were one
doctrinally is evident in a polemical work which Calvin wrote in defence
of absolute predestination against "certain slanders." In this
work Calvin recommends a little book "that our brother master Beza
hath made" on the subject of predestination (John Calvin, Sermons
on Election and Reprobation [Audubon, NJ: Old Paths Publications,
1996], p. 310).
12Amyraut, Brief Treatise,
p. 38; italics mine.
13Amyraut, Brief Treatise,
p. 52.
14Amyraut, Brief Treatise, p.
66.
15Amyraut, Brief
Treatise, p. 43.
16Amyraut, Brief
Treatise, pp. 84-85; italics mine.
17van Stam, The
Controversy, p. 277.
18van Stam: "In
his book, in defense of Calvin’s doctrine of reprobation, Amyraut had
referred to God’s ‘conditional will’ whereas that Synod had
disqualified, as being open to misunderstanding, the term ‘conditional
decree.’" He goes on to say that Rivet, another one of Amyraut’s
opponents, argued for the position that "God had never included in
his eternal plan of salvation those who are eternally lost. Amyraut
deemed it better to say that God’s will was that they should be
saved but that man was not interested. In Amyraut’s view of
things, substitution of the term ‘the conditional will of God’ for
‘the conditional decree of God’ served to clarify the issue, for ‘conditional’
means to him: ‘provided man wants to accept God’s salvation in
faith.’ Rivet, however, considered all this talk of conditional this
or that a violation of the awesome truth that the decision over eternal
life or eternal death lies only with God" (The Controversy,
pp. 171-172; italics mine).
19Armstrong writes
that the Brief Traitté "did precipitate a ‘civil war’ within
Reformed Protestantism" (Calvin and the Amyraut Heresy, p.
82) and van Stam states, "The conflict of Saumur assumed the
harshness of trench warfare: people opposed each other in publications
without seeing each other’s faces, each from behind his own defenses"
(The Controversy, p. 276).
20Armstrong, Calvin
and the Amyraut Heresy, pp. 92-93.
21Roger Nicole, Moyse
Amyraut, A Bibliography with Special Reference to the Controversy on
Universal Grace (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1981), p.
11.
22Schaff is clearly
mistaken when he claims that the Synod acted "wisely and
moderately, saving the orthodoxy of Amyraut and guarding only against
misconceptions." In Schaff’s view, Amyraut’s doctrine was
"quite harmless" (Creeds, vol. 1, p. 483). Schaff’s
defence of Amyraut ought to be of no comfort to Amyraldians because
Schaff was not a Calvinist.
23van Stam, The Controversy,
p. 203.
24van Stam, The Controversy,
pp. 20-21.
25van Stam, The
Controversy, p. 18
26Schaff, The
Creeds of Christendom, vol. 1, p. 478.
27Armstrong, Calvin
and the Amyraut Heresy, p. 84.
28van Stam, The
Controversy, p. 18.
29Clifford, Calvinus, p. 18.
30Armstrong, Calvin and the
Amyraut Heresy, p. 73.
31George Smeaton, The Apostles’
Doctrine of the Atonement (Winona Lake, IN: Alpha Publications,
1979), p. 540.
32van Stam, The Controversy,
p. 438.
33Homer C. Hoeksema, The Voice of
Our Fathers: An Exposition of the Canons of Dordrecht (Grand Rapids:
RFPA, 1980), pp. 373-374.
34For example, van Stam notes that
the churches in Zurich stopped sending their theological students to
Saumur, The Controversy, p. 315.
35Philip Schaff, Creeds, vol.
1, p. 478.
36Philip Schaff, Creeds, vol.
1, p. 486.
37A. A. Hodge, Outlines of
Theology (New York: Robert Carter and Brothers, 1878), p. 660.
38Hodge, Outlines, p. 660.
39Armstrong, Calvin and the
Amyraut Heresy, p. 184.
40Armstrong, Calvin and the
Amyraut Heresy, p. 183.
41Armstrong writes, "Orthodoxy
manifested an almost neurotic fear that somehow a sacred theological
system might crumble if certain interpretations were allowed" and
"although Amyraut indicated that, if necessary, he was perfectly
willing to leave these two wills in tension, such an idea was utterly
inconceivable to the orthodox" (Calvin and the Amyraut Heresy,
pp. 166, 185).
42John Calvin, Calvin’s Calvinism
(Grand Rapids: RFPA, 1987), p. 179.
43Francis Turretin, Institutes of
Elenctic Theology, vol. 2 (Phillipsburg, NJ: P & R Publishing,
1994), p. 460.
44John Owen, The Death of Death in
the Death of Christ (Edinburgh: Banner, repr. 1985), p.
122.
45B. B. Warfield, The Plan of
Salvation (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1973),
p. 95.
46Owen, Death of Death, p. 97.
47Rainbow, The Will of God and the
Cross (Allison Park, PA: Pickwick Publications, 1990), p. 62
48Amyraut, Brief Treatise, p.
82.
49Louis Berkhof, Systematic
Theology (Edinburgh: Banner, repr. 2003), p, 396.
50Rainbow, The Will of God, p.
156.
51Incidentally, French for everybody
is tout le monde, which literally means "all the
world." Tout le monde does not have a strictly universal
meaning in French any more than "everybody" has in English.
52For example, Clifford’s book, Calvinus,
consists almost exclusively of long lists of quotations from Calvin
where the Reformer speaks of Christ’s dying for the whole world.
53Rainbow, The Will of God, p.
123.
54Rainbow, The Will of God, p.
134.
55Rainbow, The Will of God, p.
142. Calvin writes, "But since it clearly appears that he [Paul] is
there concerned with classes of men, not men as individuals, away with
further discussion!" (Institutes of the Christian Religion,
ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles [Philadelphia:
Westminster Press and S. C .M. Press, 1960], 3.24.16; p. 984).
56Rainbow, The
Will of God, p. 147; italics Rainbow’s.
57Rainbow, The Will of God, p.
120.
58Owen, Death of Death, p. 64.
59Francis Turretin,
Institutes, vol. 2, p. 464.
60John Owen, A
Display of Arminianism, Calvin Classics, vol. 2 (Still Waters
Revival Books: Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, repr. 1989), p. 91.
61Rainbow,
The Will of God, p. 104.
62Armstrong, Calvin and the
Amyraut Heresy, pp. 165-166.
63Berkhof, Systematic Theology,
p. 395.
64Francis Turretin, Institutes,
vol. 2, p. 463.
65John Owen, Death of Death,
p. 123; italics Owen’s.
66Clifford, Calvinus, p. 18.
67Herman Hanko, The History of the
Free Offer ( Grandville, MI: Protestant Reformed Seminary,
1989), p. 72.
68George Smeaton, The Doctrine of
the Holy Spirit (London: Banner, 1958), pp. 323-233.
69van Stam asserts, "It does
seem, however, that in the years between 1635-1650 some of the Reformed
were prepared, in the words of Jean Daillé [one of Amyraut’s
supporters, MMcG], to set their house on fire to get rid of a
spider" (The Controversy, p. 454).
70Rainbow, The Will of God, p.
185.
71John Owen, Death of Death,
p. 178. |